Tales of ‘Neta Ji’ and Netas Today - Re-envisioning India in 2011

Ambassador Bal Anand,
Panama 1997

The word ‘neta’, originally from Sanskrit, meaning ‘a guide, a leader’, has earned, via Bengali, the distinction of an entry into the Concise Oxford English Dictionary (First Published in 1911, Tenth–revised–edition in 2001, the one in my use now is Fourth impression 2006 ). ‘Neta Ji’, the suffix ‘Ji’ being a term of endearment, implies ‘a revered leader’, this prefix-title conferred by people of India on Subhash Chandra Bose, the iconic youthful leader of Indian National Congress - 28 years younger than Mahatma Gandhi - who dared to defy ‘Bapu Ji’ with a unique dignity, restraint and grace! The Google search on Neta Ji flashes in single click 1,210,000 entries in 0.19 seconds. In this epoch of rapid globalization of languages, Ghotala – scam - would surely make an honorable entry soon into the dictionaries of the five UN languages- the ‘scam’, of unknown since 1960’s, meaning fraud /dishonest scheme, is already a freely used and fully grasped ‘shabad’ in the 22 recognized languages in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of Bharat.

On the 15^th of August, the day of the anniversary of Independence and the most painful amputation of people in the history of humanity India in 1947 when, in the stirring words of Jawaharlal Nehru, the nation awoke to ‘a tryst with destiny’, the heart beats of Indians, Pakistanis - and Bangla Deshis too - do feel, in today’s lingo, ‘Kuchh, kuchh hota hai … sensation of something, something’. In my consciousness, the first stirrings of the day were felt in 1951 as a student of 4th grade in the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial National High School in a grain market town, 20 km from Ludhiana. There was a big Prabhat Pheri - morning procession - by younger activists of local political spectrum of Congressmen in Khadi, the Socialists in several sartorial hues - and the Jan Sanghis in Khaki shorts - holding medium size Tirangas - Tricolors - raising slogan, ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai - victory to Mother India’ - and, in between, also, ‘Pakistan, Murdabaad - Death to Pakistan!’ I particularly recall the colored illustration splashed on the cover of Saptahik Hindustan depicting Pakistan as a Devil with horns and Maulvi beard, holding a flag with Moon & Star, running away from the gun wielding Indian Jawan! I feel bewildered to imagine even today: What has really changed for the separated twins since their brutal birth? Are the people commodities to be divided and displaced according to the dirty games among the power hungry maniacs posing as their saviors - Netas or Rahbr-e Qaum?

This town of my tiny rented home since the summer of 1951 till I was pulled out by destiny in the summer of 1971 to join a career of ‘representing India’ had been founded in 1905, on the cross borders of Anrezi Ilaqa and the only small Muslim state in East Punjab, by Nawab Ahmed Ali. The Nawabs boasted Sherwani Afghan descent and the marital link to Delhi ruler Bahlol Lodhi. The town of Ahmedgarh had been necessitated by the newly laid out railway line between Ludhiana-Jakhal-Bathinda. It is said that the design of town planning of Lyallpur of West Punjab had been borrowed to provide for wider rectangular road and a central Plaza which was named Gandhi Chowk on the day of Independence. The location of the town on the borders had been ideally utilized by the freedom fighters of ‘Riyasati Praja Mandal’ and Indian National Congress of Anrezi Ilaqa to dodge the police in their hot pursuit, making the new town a centre of heightened political activity’.

The trend and tradition of political consciousness had continued to persist for about two decades after Independence. The local leaders would stake their prestige to fetch all famous leaders visiting Ludhiana - 20 Km away - to address people in Gandhi chowk. I was privileged as school / college student to listen to JP, Ram Manohar Lohia, Acharya Narendra Dev, SM Joshi, Neta Ji’s nephew Sisir Bose, communist stalwarts like AK Gopalan, Sat Pal Dang, Pandit Kishori Lal not to forget great Jan Sangh orators including Pandit Premnath Dogra, Prakash Vir Shastri, Veer Yagya Dutt, not to forget many singers of patriotic songs attuned to hit film songs. Meanwhile, the character of politics and quality of leaders seemed to have undergoing a metamorphosis witnessed strange changes after national elections in 1967. The spirit of sacrifice and idealism of the era of freedom struggle, as if, had vanished in two decades! I must, however, pay my respects to the saffron khadi clad Swami Harivishnu Dass ji who gladly financed till his last all the expenditures for the function of the Independence Day of hiring the required materials for stage, loud speaker, carpets, cleanliness of the area of Gandhi Chowk etc - and would make an impressive speech praising Jawaharlal Nehru’s leadership and India’s rising prestige in the world. Comrade Tek Chand Diwana, the 88 year old freedom fighter who was also a great football player & famous for playing role of Lakshman in Ram Lila is my last surviving Neta-hero.

My thoughts on the Independence Day of India go to the poet-patriot (Padam Shri) Ali Jawad Zaidi (1916-2005). During my posting to Tehran (1975-1977); I had the good fortune to enjoy his enlightening company. When, on the eve of his departure due to retirement, I persisted in asking him about his personal encounters with the top leaders during the struggle for freedom, he reluctantly narrated the two such experiences. Firstly, the Neta Ji, the freshly elected President – Rastrapati - of the Indian National Congress in 1937 for the annual session in Haripur, “we, the group of the Students Federation of India mildly complained to Subhash Babu that we had worked so hard for his election but since his becoming of Congress, we are finding it very hard to get opportunity to meet him for deeper discussions ... Subhash agreed with us adding that he had indeed been terribly occupied and asked us about our place of stay … we hesitatingly revealed address of the obscure Dharamshala we had put in … Subhash said,” please expect me visit you after midnight … and lo, behold! Neta Ji did visit us around 1 AM and spent two hours with us talking about all the current national and international issues ...”

As regards the meeting with Gandhi Ji, Zaidi Sahib narrated how Sarojini Naidu had arranged the meeting and how their group of students got late due to his bad habit of oversleeping … Ms. Naidu was furious - cursed them and refusing to talk to them. One of the students concocted a false but clever story about a procession and police blockade of the way. The meeting was rearranged through kindness of Mahdev Desai. While his three companions touched Gandhi Ji’s feet, Zaidi did not because he believed it to be an act of orthodoxy and indignity. According to Zaidi Sahib, Gandhi Ji continued to ply the small Charkha and enquired about our activities, advising us to engage in some social service among the poor…’ I felt myself in a strangely mystic atmosphere … and effortlessly, unconsciously my hands were touching his feet when we took leave of Gandhi Ji’ revealed Shri Zaidi, in an emotionally choking voice.

Most interestingly and emotionally so fulfilling for me, I have been privileged to hoist the National Flag - the beloved Tricolor - 19 times in the foreign lands on Independence / Republic Days of India and also read out the messages by our Presidents. The 15^th of August has been a day of deep reflections for me for the destiny of Bharat. Memories come crowding of the celebrations - beginning with school to Embassies of India in various continents. A really scholarly and inspiring school teacher, Ashni Kumar, made all the difference for me in the only life I can talk about. The poem in early fifties, 'phir baeson ke baad desh ne nutan jeevan paya - after so many years, the country has been bestowed a new life'; tributes in verse to patriots like Bhagat Singh, Jawaharlal, Neta Ji; inspiring film songs by Pradeep, Sahir, Kaifi - notwithstanding the challenges and privations, there appeared hope and sense of confidence in the air and in the leadership: now, perhaps, in spite of many an achievements, the masses do feel deprived on a daily basis and the air seems increasingly polluted by a sense of betrayal. We must remember what President S. Radhakrishnan had said, "the goal before our politicians must be service at any cost –and not power at any price".

Ashok, Akbar, and Nehru - the legacy is indeed long and challenging: a re-envisioning of India awaits!

Ambassador Bal Anand and family,
celebrating 50th Independence Day, Panama

W.H. Auden’s poem “Partition,” published in 1966. These moving verses highlight the absurdity of the way the border was created sixty two years ago:

Unbiased at least he was when he arrived on his mission,
Having never set eyes on the land he was called to partition
Between two peoples fanatically at odds,
With their different diets and incompatible gods.
“Time,” they had briefed him in London, “is short. It’s too late
For mutual reconciliation or rational debate:
The only solution now lies in separation.
The Viceroy thinks, as you will see from his letter,
That the less you are seen in his company the better,
So we’ve arranged to provide you with other accommodation.
We can give you four judges, two Moslem and two Hindu,
To consult with, but the final decision must rest with you.”

Shut up in a lonely mansion, with police night and day
Patrolling the gardens to keep the assassins away,
He got down to work, to the task of settling the fate
Of millions. The maps at his disposal were out of date
And the Census Returns almost certainly incorrect,
But there was no time to check them, no time to inspect
Contested areas. The weather was frightfully hot,
And a bout of dysentery kept him constantly on the trot,
But in seven weeks it was done, the frontiers decided,
A continent for better or worse divided.

The next day he sailed for England, where he could quickly forget
The case, as a good lawyer must. Return he would not,
Afraid, as he told his Club, that he might get shot.

Maharajas of Patiala – Myths, Magnificence and Memories

The earliest memory of a Maharaja of Patiala ingrained in my mind pertains to the period immediately after independence of the country. Punjab was a picture of the life and limb torn apart by the wide spread communal violence in the wake of partition of the legendary land. My father, who had become a baptized Sikh a few weeks back - on 26th July and the ceremony costing Rs 7 and a quarter as recorded by him in the family record book called Vahie, was quoting passionately to friends the speech that Maharaja Yadavindra Singh of Patiala made at a public function in the neighboring town of Mandi Ahmedgarh. Father was profusely praising the grace and dignity and an extraordinarily taller stature of the Maharaja. He particularly described the drama how the stand of the mike (of those days) was not high enough and even the support of a stool and harmonium box could also not be of any help. Father explained how the Maharaja had taken the situation in good humor and began his speech joking that people of Mandi had never seen ‘the Lamba Jatt - the Tall Peasant - of Patiala’ before !

Maharaja Yadavindra Singh

I can vividly recall what I, as a child of four, had heard my father quoting forcefully from the Maharaja’s speech, "… Hindustan and Pakistan are now two independent countries … Nawab Sahib (Mohammad Iftikhar Ali Khan of Malerkotla who, sporting a Patiala-style blue Pagri, was present by his side), his forefathers and the Muslims of the this area have enjoyed fraternal relations with the Sikhs and Hindus … we will provide them full protection of life and property and they will have all the rights as equal citizens of India … But those among Muslims who desire to go to Pakistan, their departure will be facilitated … and those Muslims who stay back must be loyal citizens of India … and must not entertain any secret love for Pakistan, this would neither be fair nor would be allowed …" Father further tellingly quoted the Maharaja, "Beware of those Sikh leaders who proclaim that Panth is in danger … Panth of Gurus would never be in any danger … it is the pockets of greedy and corrupt leaders which face danger" (pocket was indeed registered as one of my first words of vocabulary of English). Father remained a big fan of Maharaja Yadavindra Singh and had led a local delegation at the Bhog ceremony of his great hero in June 1974.

I had come to know sooner that the Maharaja of Patiala had been granted an amount of Privy Purse of Rs 17 lakh per annum - and used to wonder how he would be spending this amount! My father had joined the Government Service as a Vaidya at a salary of Rs 88/pm in 1957 and my own starting salary in August 1966 as a lecturer in the DAV College, Jalandhar, according to the much mentioned UGC scales was Rs 200+ Rs 40/pm as D.A. ! I remember that a text book of ‘Shahiriat-Civics’ prescribed in the fifth class pertained to history and administration of PEPSU. A poem titled, 'Sahib Kaur di Vaar – Ballad of Sahib Kaur' by Mohan Singh described bravery of sister of the inexperienced and spoiled third ruler of Patiala who led the forces in repelling the attack of Maharattas on the state in 1793. The book had a laudatory chapter about Maharaja Bhupinder Singh but students had very naughty things to whisper about him-even Khushwant Singh won’t dare to print them! Never take minds of the children for granted about the material to be included in the lessons of the text books! A photo or a sketch in a school book – I am talking of my school years in the fifties of the last century - did surely leave a most enduring imprint on young impressionable minds. A framed photo of all the nine rulers of Patiala in the one room home of our neighbor - a competent carpenter who, perhaps, had worked in the Palace of Patiala for some tome - remains clearly etched in mind along with all the names.

Maharaja Yadavindra Singh had remained a prominent personality in the public service of independent India as the Rajpramukh of PEPSU till 1956; as President of Olympic Association of India; leader of Indian delegations to the conferences of the UNO and serving as Ambassador of India to Italy and Netherland. I had long last the opportunity to see this magnificent man in February 1962 when he came to preside over the Annual Sports Function of the DAV College Jalandhar. To my great surprise, again adjusting of the mike of the loud speaker revealed the enormous difference between short statured Principal Suraj Bhan and the tall towering Maharaja-to the wild delight of students. We had later lined up on the G.T. road to steal another glimpse of the smart Maharaja driving himself his stylish Mercedes car, sporting wings of a plane!

When I was at school, my father told me that I was born in the same year-albeit a few months later - in which Yuvraj Amarinder Singh was born (March 11,1942). Although my parental village was situated in the smaller state of the Muslim Nawabs
of Malerkotla, it was the grandeur and magnificence of the Sikh rulers of Patiala which was talked about in the family with pride and intimate emotional connection. The family lore and chronicles including the celebrated biography, in Brij Bhasha, of patriarch Baba Gajjan Shah (1734-1840) titled Gajjan Bilas clearly mention the closer spiritual relationship established with Patiala during the reign of Maharaja Sahib Singh (1781-1813).The family records further indicate grant of landed and urban properties to our ancestor by rulers of Patiala and Malerkotla as well as Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

The developments in the government and administration continued to move fast in the first decade of independent India. The PEPSU was merged in Punjab in 1956 during the re-organization of the states in the country. The long drawn struggle for a Punjabi speaking state culminated in the creation of present truncated state in November 1966. Maharaja Yadavindra Singh contested and won election for the first time to Punjab Assembly as an independent candidate in 1967 provoking a subtle satire by Fikar Taunsavi to pen a column titled, 'A Maharaja versus Potato' implying that the former ruler, like the potato among vegetables, was ready to mingle with any party. Meanwhile Yuvraj Amarinder Singh had been commissioned in the Indian Army in 1963 and was married on 31st October to Preneet Kaur daughter of S. Gian Singh Kahlon, ICS. The politics of the shrunken Punjab had been assuming a new character of Congress versus the Rest with Akali Dal sniffing power as a leading political force. India’s decisive victory in Bangla Desh War in December 1971 enhanced the political prestige of Smt. Indira Gandhi and Congress regained power in Punjab with Zail Singh as Chief Minister. Amarinder Singh was first elected MP in 1980 from Patiala and, barring a brief interval during the peak of militancy in Punjab, the Patiala seat has been with the family.

Meanwhile Maharaja Yadavindra Singh had opted to remain active in the public service at the national and international level, attending several conferences of the UNO He passed away on 17th June 1974 while posted as Ambassador of India to Netherland.
This prince, patriot and statesman made significant contribution to many walks of national life including education and sports. The Patiala Rajgharana must chalk out an ambitious and imaginative plan to commemorate the centenary of this many splendored ruler of the state. I, as a well wisher and admirer of the family, may venture to make some suggestions

1. The establishment in Patiala or in Bathinda (the city of future in Punjab) of Yadavindra International Centre on the pattern of India International Centre, N.Delhi


2. The creation of Maharaja Yadavindra Singh Chair of International Relations in a premier university of Delhi/Lahore
3. Endowing an Annual Yadavindra Memorial Lecture to be delivered in Delhi by a personality of international repute


4. Issuing of a Commemorative Postal Stamp


5. Creation of a National Award for an outstanding Diplomat/Administrator of India . South Asia


6. Publication of a high quality Commemorative volume on the Life and Times of Maharaja Yadavindra Singh


7. Naming of the road leading to Embassy of India, the Hague, after his name.


8. Installing his statue near Patiala House, N.Delhi 9.An exhibition of his personal artifacts/documents, photographs etc


9. Yadvindra Public Schools to organize year long festivities/cultural programs.

There could be more ideas and inputs by persons who had the privilege of working with the late Maharaja

As for the former Chief Minister of Punjab-and the expectant Chief Minister - in-waiting - Captain Amarinder Singh, one would like to pray for him saying – Aapna Mool Pachhan i.e know thy true self. He must indeed prove himself a breed apart from the present species of politician in Punjab, parading as leaders but who are essentially ‘dealers’ - eager to sell down the drain whatever precious heirloom of the state their greedy eyes fall upon. The land and people are indeed cursed where the Representatives treat their election victory as ‘license to loot’ for five years! Captain Amarinder Singh must break himself free from the ‘Chakra Vyuh’ - vicious circle - of hangers on, particularly of the flatterers kind and the Khaki hue. The civil servants who have been privileged to function with him deeply admire his personal integrity, high intellect and right instincts - but these come out only in their one to one discussions. He has a historical role - a la Bihar - to make Punjab stand up and be counted as a promising player in the larger scheme of national developmental effort. He has to transform his party into a fighting fit unit free from petty factionalism - a Herculean task indeed but the experienced Captain would have to be strong and wise enough to prevail in the battle of ballot box due in months.

Captain Amarinder Singh who belongs to my generation should now be considered to be at the peak of his careers in public life. I recall how I had the pleasure of meeting him for the first time in 1976 when he came to Tehran with a dream - team of agricultural experts. He wanted to negotiate a deal for a king size farm to be developed as a model for an agricultural revolution in the oil rich Iran. Those were the days of heady success story of Punjab. Time in Iran had, however, become pregnant with another brand of revolution. The practitioners of power politics must always be conscious of the illusion and reality of political power. Ultimately, only the deeds done with a sense of nobility, sincerity and humility for survive. Twenty eight years after our meeting in Tehran, I was welcomed by Captain Amarinder Singh to join the Congress Party on April 9, 2004 - hardly any one was ready to bet for a win by Congress on that date. Any prediction for the Punjab polls next
year or national elections in 2014?

I was told one of the most astonishing and baffling story in the palatial house in Tehran belonging to S. Rattan Singh Rangi, located in the vicinity of the Saadabad Palace of the Shahanshah. He was a respected businessman with family links with Patiala. I forget who the narrator was but the story ran as follows: "When the heir to the throne of Patiala was born on 7th January 1913, all the court Jyotishis - the learned futurologists of various disciplines - were summoned as per tradition … most of them predicted great goings for the newly arrived Prince … his extraordinary personality, wisdom and charm, achievements as a ruler, many worthy distinctions … but one of the astrologers, looking quite nervous, wanted to speak only to the Maharaja, in strict privacy … when it was agreed, he whispered in the ears of the proud father,’ O King, what my other astrologer- brothers tell you about the destiny of the Prince is quite appropriate and OK, but …, but, ahem, according to my interpretation of the various stars and the planets attendant at the time of Yuvraj’s birth … the great Prince is destined to die in a foreign land, doing a paid job !!!"

When i was born, thirty years later, in a mud home in an obscure village of his kingdom, situated at a distance of 52 km from Patiala,no astrologers were summoned to predict my future: that I too would be destined to do exactly the same job in the far off lands as one of their tribe had predicted with trepidation, in a trembling voice, for Maharaja Yadavindra Singh, soon after his birth in the Moti Bagh, one of largest Palaces in the world!

The State of Ambedkar's Republic of India @ 60

The following article appeared in the online publication South Asia Post, Issue 104 Vol IV, January 31, 2010

IT happened a decade after Independence. I was a student of 7th grade in Mahatma Gandhi Memorial National School - the name had been changed to mark Independence, from much simpler, Public High School, by the Congress Party activists of the small market town of Ahmedgarh, 20 Km from Ludhiana. One pleasant February evening, I was both intrigued and delighted when my father introduced me to the the new decimal coins - Naye (i.e. new) Paise, in denominations of one, two, five, ten, twenty-five and fifty, which he had received with a small sum of Muaffi (i.e. revenue) reimbursement from the Government treasury of Tehsil town of Sunam. While the virtues of the concept of the decimal system took much more time to sink in, the brand new shining coins, with the Sarnath Lions as emblem, surely reinforced in my consciousness that the freedom of the country has been further consolidated. The republic of India had truly arrived! Bollywood songs proclaimed, as they do today, the march of the nation - Badla Zamana, Bhai, badla zamana; Chhe Naye Paison ka, purana ek Aanna! It was after more than seven years that coins with with image of the British monarch were officially withdrawn from circulation.

School Books of Mathematics took their own sweeter time to introduce decimal measurements, replacing calculations using 1 Rupee = 16 Aannas and 1 Aana = 4 Paise = 12 Payees! The old 1 Rupee coin, with silver content, given to me by relations as 'shagun' on my birth 13 years ago; preserved in the family, I was then told, had come to fetch 14 new Rupees!

Time, conveniently or intuitively reckoned in decades; in personal lives or historic context, has indeed been witnessing a constant revaluation and devaluation of not only of all money, metals, materials but prominent people and other livings species too. It took more than four decades for the ruling elite in India to put Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar on a pedestal where he truly belongs, i.e. as the Architect-in-Chief of of the Constitution of the Republic of India and the foremost original thinker on the totality of the complex heritage and challenging future of India as a modern democratic state. He is now not only the 'reincarnation' of Lord Buddha for the mythologists of 'Dalitology'. The vote bank ideologues of all hues of India's political spectrum, from Saffronite Hinduttava, the Grand Old Party with the patent of Tricolor, various fringes of Red - all would seem to have discovered their comfort level in hailing the 'Untouchable' Doctor as a great modern day law giver ('Manu'); a visionary social reformer; a revolutionary thinker etc. Hounded during his life, denying him any political space, all parties would now seem to be competing to exploit the legacy of 'Bharat Ratna, 1991' in their own terms. The social and economic emancipation of his people, alas, still awaits! Betrayals, by manipulators from the ranks of even Dalits, continues.

As for the noble document of the Constitution of the Republic, the wise Doctor was at great pains to emphasise over and over again that ultimately even the best of system would depend on the quality, character and commitment of those entrusted to run the levers of power of governance. The Parts 3 and 4 pertaining to Fundamental Rights & Directive Principles have been characterised as the 'conscience' of the Constitution and it has been here that the leadership of the country has miserably failed to deliver. The high ideals of equality before law, freedom to profess any religion, access to education and social welfare, improving public health and raising level of nutrition and standard of living have been grossly neglected. India ranks lowly 134 in the Human Development Index of nations, with a staggering 46% of children in the under 5 age group malnourished! Meanwhile ,the number of MP's with declared assets in Crores has increased from 156 in 2004 to 315 in 2009; further, the number of MPs with criminal cases against them rose fom 128 to 150, and 73 (i.e. 15 %) with serious crimes, during the same period. The mystery of sacks full of currency notes emptied on the floor of the Parliament during the No-Confidence Debate on July 22nd, 2008, proven cases of MP's in scandals of 'Cash for Questions'; direct involvement in immigration rackets and crimes all kinds would make the Father of the Nation and the founding fathers turn in their graves! The Rajya Sabha, Upper House of Elders, has its own horror tales with 'cash & carry' ticket of membership to the rich, and resourceful looters. The live telecast of the sessions - when Parliament is allowed to function for brief intervals by the rowdies - present a pathetic spectacle! Most of members regularly play truant like spoiled school children and most significant bills are passed without a word of debate. What a privilege and soulful opportunity it was for me to gain entry into the sacred precincts of the Parliament House on 22 March, 1971 - and listen to Comrade AK Gopalan belabouring Finance Minister YB Chavan with the refrain in speech - 'treat thy self, Dr Chavan!'

The Indian Constitution, the lengthiest in the in the world, has been amended 94 times up-til now. To quote Ronojoy Sen, "India's astonishing religious and ethnic diversity, caste inequalities and widespread illiteracy and poverty demanded unique provisions...a remarkably forward looking document that enshrined individual liberty, equality of opportunity, social justice and secularism." The 86th amendment in 2002 making free and compulsory education for children from age six to 14 a fundamental right, followed by Right to Free and Compulsory Act 2009; Right to Information Act 2005; National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 have been cited as examples of peoples movements on constitutional rights. The renowned constitutional expert Fali S Nariman underlines, "... we cannot work any system unless we re-inject some degree of idealism and morality into politics." Azim Premji of Wipro says, "All the wealth we generate is meaningless unless we have corruption free good governance...Inclusive growth and social justice is outcome of good governance." The eminent author on the Indian constitution, Granville Austin, points out that successive governments, nationally and in states have fallen short of living up to the values of the Preamble, and the fundamental rights and Directive Principles. This has allowed lower castes to remain in poverty and under oppression by upper caste politicians. The crusader for rights of the marginalised people, Medha Patkar, says that, "state has progressively sabotaged the basic values of our constitution." The 11 member National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution with former Chief Justice MN Venkatachaliah appointed by the NDA Government in February 2000 submitted its report in March 2002, "taking care to steer clear of the controversial issues." The 249 recommendations of the commission failed to generate much debate and was confined to oblivion by the successor UPA Government.

The period of the last two decades of the liberalisation of the economy with impressive GDP growth has also witnessed the shrinking of the role of state in the crucial sectors of social development. The gross commercialisation, particularly of education and health, is indeed unwise and worrisome. The slogan of 'public -private partnership ' is viewed by many as, 'a partnership for private profit.' A sound and inexpensive system of education within the easy reach of the vast number of the deprived sections of society would be the key to the realisation of high aspirations of the nation, instead of cutting into more and more pieces of quotas and reservations. Ambedkar's people continue to face discrimination and oppression, taking new forms and atrocities against them, have seen a steep rise across the country. The birth centenary of Ambedkar in 1991 indeed inspired many to be determined to resist any manifestations of prejudice and discrimination against them by the upper caste in the rural interior. The triumph of Dalit leader Mayavati in the largest state of the country, inspite the negative media reports, has instilled new confidence and pride among Dalits in not taking things lying down. A radical and thoughtful agenda to transform their their social and economic conditions, however, still awaits.

So much is being said and written about the most pervasive emergence of 'Parivaarvaad' , 'Paisavaad' and 'Pehalvaanvaad' i.e. family and dynasty, money and muscle power in politics, sapping the vitaliy of democratic values. The extremist elements with domestic roots and the cross border terrorism pose serious and complex threats to the security of the nation - they have to be met resolutely. The centre-State relations would require to be managed in a more even handed manner, above the narrow party lines.

The 61st Anniversary of the Republic of India deserves to be re-dedicated to the serious revaluation of the works of Dr. BR Ambedkar, the most scholarly and most bruised titan of the freedom struggle of the country who always thought ahead of time. A firm believer in democracy as a real way of life and citizens rights, he could very well visualise all the evils the democratic practice in India could be heir to. He sounded stern warnings, "To have popular government run by a single party is to let the democracy become a mere form for despotism...Despotism does not cease to be despotism because it is elective. The real guarantee against despotism is to confront it with the possibilty of its dethronement." Let the many splendored life of Ambedkar inpire us all - the Indians for whose brighter future he gave his all.

It would be a sheer pity for India if a giant of the universal ideas of Ambedkar were dwarfed to belong only to his caste!

India's Muslim Question

The following article appeared in the online publication South Asia Post, Issue 93 Vol IV, August 15, 2009

MY search for answers & explanations to, 'India's Muslim Questions' had, as if, begun very early in life. I can recall, with all the profound innocence of a four years old, the strange atmosphere of the summer of 1947. The red covered 'Vahi', also called 'Chaupatta', i.e. the double-folded long-paper-sheets, family-record-book, confirms, "July 26: Rs 7/- spent on the materials for 'Amrit-paan', i.e. the Sikh Baptism ceremony". The partaker was my father who had added, 'Singh' to the given family name and also started sporting the Sikh 'Kachhehra', i.e. long pair of breeches extending up to knees instead of Dhoti. He also gave up sharing the 'Hookah', i.e. the traditional 'hubble bubble' with his grandfather. He was exactly 27 year old at that time, well read and well travelled, his spiritual journey from from a 'Sahajdhari' to 'Amritdhari', I may now say, reflected the spirit - 'Garam Hawa' - of the fast changing Time! The 'Vahi' has also on record that my great grandfather, a renowned physician-scholar and Guru of my father, passed away on 19th October - a day after the death of long ruling popular Nawab Ahmed Ali of Maler Kotla, the only Muslim state in the east of Sutluj.

It was on 29th October 1947, at the Bhog Ceremony, i.e. the last prayer for my departed great-grandfather after the complete recital of the Sikh scripture, Shri Guru Granth Sahib, that I overheard - and half understood - Pandit Barkha Ram, a learned Brahmin and close friend of the departed, saying "Ghor Kali Yug -the worst of the epochal ages - has indeed arrived; the noble people can no longer endure witnessing the brutal killings and the grossest injustice being heaped on humanity...". The first 100 days of the long awaited freedom of ancient Hindustan and birth of a brand new nation, Pakistan - the land of the Pure - had indeed witnessed the worst kind of violence against innocent people, in the name of religions!

The emergence of Pakistan had been considered an inevitable historical and political necessity by the retreating British empire; hailed as the ultimate solution to the Muslim 'Question/Problem' of Hindustan by the separatist Muslim League led by a determined lawyer, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and an avoidable most tragic blunder by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad & the Indian National Congress. The unprecedented situation was seen by many as the culmination of a process of churning, for centuries, of the waters of the civilization of the great Indo-Gangetic plains - containing both the Amrit, the heavenly liquid & also the worst poison. The Shiva like figure, Mahatma Gandhi, who could have swallowed the 'poison of raging communal hatred' was soon eliminated from the scene by elements interested in only the relentless pursuit of Power.

The majority of my school teachers were 'the refugees' from the other side of the Radcliffe Line. One of them, the erudite Ashni Kumar, remained my, 'friend, philosopher, guide & Guru Extraordinaire' till he breathed his last in 1991. He belonged to the town of Gujarat, the home of legendary folk heroine, Sohni. He had studied in Lahore in the early thirties and used to tell me proudly that he was taught English by Prof. Madan Gopal Singh who was killed in the communal riots (like another brilliant Prof. Brij Narain of Economics) and great Sanskrit scholar Dr. Raghuvira who had later become President of then Bhartiya Jan Sangh. We exchanged regular correspondence often dealing at length on issues relating to religion, politics education, literature, particularly in Urdu, Hindi, Punjabi etc. He was, with his clearly progressive leanings, always so eloquent on themes of communal harmony referring to the deepest reservoirs of goodwill in all religious texts-and the ghashtly gaps in practice by the followers! When I had joined the college in Maler Kotla, he would ask me about the atmosphere of studies and the attitudes of Muslim Students. He would tell me that majority of his friends in college in Lahore were Muslims who used to tease him saying 'the real communalist is your Gandhi who is always indulging in strange religious practices in public; our Jinnah never goes to any mosque, nor does he observe any other Islamic rituals ... loves 'good' things of life!'. They would add that Jinnah mostly talked of the economic backwardness of Muslims and their lesser than legitimate share in the structure & system of the prevailing, and would be, governance of the nation.

It was in the above background that the title, 'Muslims in Indian Economy' First Edition, September 2006, caught my attention at the book sale counter on 1st January 2009 at the annual day long cultural congregation organised in memory of playwright political activist Safdar Hashmi 'martyred by hooligans of Congress Party in 1989'. The book has been published by Three Essays Collective in its series focusing on 'issues of contemporary concern ... to familiarise readers with current debates ... '. The reference to the similar questions above by my school teacher - debated during the decade following the adoption of the Resolution of 'Sampooran Swaraj' i.e. Complete Independence on 26th January 1929 and preceding 'The Resolution of Pakistan' on 21st March 1940 in the same city on the Banks of river Ravi. This comparatively slimmer paperback - 240 pages, Rs 275 (India) elsewhere $15 - volume by Omar Khalidi, 'an independent scholar and a staff member at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology' poses all the relevant questions in the Introduction of the book, "What is the economic condition of the Indian Muslims at the dawn of the twenty first century? ... How does the economic profile of the Muslims compare with the majority Hindus, Dalits, and minorities like Christians, Sikhs & Parsis? ... Does Islam, or Islam as interpreted or lived, have anything to do with it? ... What is the record of the post-independence central and state governments? ...". Prof. Khalidi rightly points out that 'answers to these questions require a dispassionate reading of contemporary history ... it is also necessary for the appropriate corrective measure that need to be taken, both by the community leadership and by the state'.

The writer refers in the Preface and Acknowledgement that the Indian Muslim Council USA has funded the research for this book. The readership targeted - 'audiences' according to him - is "India's movers & shakers: legislators, administrators, politicians, leaders in business & industry, and the like". The theme of the book, stated in the introduction by the author, demanded treatment in manageable components in terms of regions or sectors of 'the 130 million Muslims in India ... the second largest Muslim population in the world'. The chapter titled 'Medieval and Colonial India' hurriedly traces the contours of the Muslim society as it evolved c.1200-1800 with three broad categories: the aristocracy and nobility, both secular & religious, the artisans and the cultivators. The Muslim peasants and cultivators, like their counterparts in other religions, remained economically active in agricultural production, fishing, herding and other manual work. Independent professionals among Muslims were few, except the traditional doctors or Hakims. The pattern of Muslim economic life did not change radically during the Mughal period of northern India (1520s-1720s) .The steady growth of the authority of East India company eroded the position of Muslims in law courts and in 1835, the introduction of English as the language for official governmental and legal business further marginalised the Muslims. The disaster, according to author, was "the Mutiny of 1857, which though commenced on caste grounds by Hindus, was blamed on the Muslim community as an anti-British revolt".

The Muslim exclusion from from the British dispensations took time to be rectified and the process was greatly facilitated by Sayyid Ahmed Khan of Delhi & Aligarh and Qazi Shahabuddin of Bombay. The book is replete with figures from the Colonial records to highlight how Muslims had regained their share in the rank and file of bureaucracy when the movement for Independence from the British rule under Mahatama gained full momentum. The Chapters titled, Independent India; Delhi., Uttar Pradesh (78-120), Bihar, Deccan & Andhra Pradesh (139-177), Karnataka, Maharashtra provide richly analytical information on the profiles of the Muslim communities in these regions. The Indian Muslims - in practice, the educated - had the option of migration to Pakistan till 1971. The opportunities in the oil rich Gulf countries during the last three decades have played a significant role in the evolution of the community. The ever strained Indo-Pak relations have continued to cast shadow on the morale and psyche of the community.

In Summary and Conclusions, the author has referred to the progress of the community in the southern states and how lack of education and training in professional fields has continued to negatively impact the Muslims of India. The author has tried to steer clear of politico-religious controversies stating, "the improvement of (Indian) Muslims' economic condition can only be a part of the general programme of poverty alleviation of all (the people of India)".

Syed Shahabuddin, formerly of Indian Foreign Service, an ex-MP & Editor 'Muslim India' observes in Editorial of June, "in 2004, 38 Muslims were elected to Lok Sabha; in 2009 the number has gone down to 30 ... on the basis 2001 census Muslim representation should be 72 ... in the 15th Lok Sabha, the Muslims will largely be voiceless: questions will not be asked...". We may, however, like to listen more attentively to Today's Akbar (M.J.), "Pakistan was only ever a very partial answer to what the British called the 'Muslim Question' ... they (Indian Muslims) are convinced now that 1947 was a mirage; but there is too much fog between them and the next horizon ... Economics has flattened the world into a race track, and not every community is in the race ..."

The most crucial question is: should only the Indian Muslims be feeling concerned over the issues pertaining to them? Should not the Indian Muslims also be deeply involved in the matters pertaining to the Majority Hindus & other minorities in the secular Republic of India and vice versa? I would strongly recommend Omar Khalidi's book to all who think themselves that they are 'Indians First' and also to those who prefer to prefix their religious identity to being Indian.

Humanistic roots of Islam

A Tribute to Shri A.J. Zaidi

  At the function with the Vice President of India, Shri M. Hamid Ansari

HAVING spent my childhood years in the village and later growing up in a town, both located in the closer vicinity of Malerkotla, the only princely state in the East Punjab ruled for centuries by the Muslim Nawabs, I had started wondering and pondering since long over the harmonies and divides between the Hindus and Muslims. The small state of Malerkotla had remained comparatively immune from the mindless violence during the Partition of the country. I have a vivid memory of an inscription, intact in 1951 but decimated soon after, of the name of Nawab Iftikhar Ali Khan on the front wall of the Gurdwara in Ahmedgarh for his donation of Rs. 500.00 – it must have been a princely sum in those days ! I had instinctively developed a faith in the mutual accommodation among faiths long before I was destined to be an Indian diplomat in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Maldives!!

This is a prologue to my tribute to late Ali Jawad Zaidi (1916-2004) who embodied for me the highest virtues of all the faiths of mankind. It was during the period of my posting to Iran in 1975-78 that I had opportunities of extended interaction with Shri S.A.J. Zaidi who had been posted as a Special Correspondent of All India Radio based in Tehran, covering other countries of the Gulf also. It was my first diplomatic posting, while it was the swan song assignment for Shri Zaidi.

I discovered in Shri Zaidi a thorough gentleman steeped in the composite culture of Awadhi Lucknow. He was soon able to gather around him many talented persons among the recently arrived doctors, engineers and other professionals interested in literature. A regular routine of literary meetings emerged attended by Indians and Pakistanis. Shri Zaidi made extra efforts to engage the Punjabi Sahitya Mandal also. It was his magnetic personality which brought people together for livelier literary sessions, particularly of Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi poetry. All this indeed provided me a rare learning opportunity to witness in action the strength of the composite culture of the sub-continent, notwithstanding the under currents of suspicions and rivalries of the Indo-Pak kind.

Never a person to talk about himself, I could some time engage Shri Zaidi to share some of his first hand experiences during the freedom struggle as a student leader and a poet. He had worked along with other youthful activists for the election in 1939 of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose as President of the Congress against Pattabhi Sitaramayya, the candidate proposed by Mahatma Gandhi. He told me about the touching experience when Subhas Babu, as the President of the Congress, had himself come to meet the group of students putting up in an ordinary dharamshala in Calcutta for a mid-night session of discussions!

On being pressed to tell if he had ever met Mahatma Gandhi, Zaidi narrated how he and his two other student friends had got late for an appointment with the Mahatma - and received a severe reprimand from Sarojini Naidu. He, nevertheless, could meet the Mahatma during the same week, but did not touch Mahatma's feet like his the two friends accompanying him. After the brief meeting, however, according to Zaidi, his hands unconsciously were at the feet of the Mahatma!

Ali Jawad Zaidi had started with the themes of patriotism and national unity in his early poetry. He had the distinct advantage of knowing Hindi and Sanskrit. He was soon to excel as a scholar and critic also. It was in the fitness of the things that after Independence, he was inducted into the Indian Information Service. He was deputed as Adviser to Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, the "Prime Minister" of Jammu & Kashmir - he distinguished himself in this position beyond the call of duty by producing admirable works on the literature and culture of Kashmir. He served as the Secretary of the High Powered Committee on Urdu headed by Shri I.K. Gujral. He was also the convenor of the Golden Jubilee Celebrations of the All India Students' Conference held in Lucknow in August 1986.

Shri Zaidi did not rest on his laurels after retirement. Apart from his multifarious responsibilities as Chairperson of the UP Urdu Academy and later as Advisor to the State Govt on National Integration, he wrote, in English, the monumental History of Urdu Literature, published by the Sahitya Academy in 1993. During the sunset years with failing eyesight, he was intensely occupied with the editing of the various versions of Ramayana written in Urdu. It is indeed noteworthy that four scholars have already obtained their PhD degrees for research on the literary works of Shri A. J. Zaidi. It is only appropriate that the Zaidi Foundation has been recently established to propagate literary and philosophical legacy of Zaidi Sahib. A large quantity of manuscripts left behind by him awaits scholarly scrutiny and publishing.

  Shri Ansari releases 'Islami Taraqqui Pasandi'

It was a solemn Function on 15th July, 2008 at his residence when 'Islami Taraqqui Pasandi' i.e., 'Progressivism in Islam' by late Shri A.J. Zaidi was released by the Vice President of India, Shri M. Hamid Ansari. Professor Ilyas Shauqui, the book's editor, highlighted the features of this highly researched and timely book. The former Vice-Chancellor of the Jamia Milia, Shri Shahid Mahadi, recalled his long personal association with Shri Zaidi. He quoted Shri Zaidi's lines:

Yeh To Sach Hai Kar Guzarta Hai, Jo Dil Mein Than Le
Kya Ghalat Hai, Log 'Gar Zaidi Ko Diwana Kahein.
It is indeed true that he does accomplish, whatever he determines to
The people are not wrong if they call Zaidi a crazy fellow!

Shri M. Hamid Ansari, in his thoughtful remarks, observed that the book was a commendable effort in putting the tenets of Islam in proper perspectives. He said that Shri Zaidi has demonstrated a rare capability to explain complex issues. He welcomed the publication of this book of great contemporary relevance.

Dr. A.S. Brar, the Vice-Chancellor of Lucknow University, proposing Vote of Thanks, dwelt on the role of Lucknow University in institutionalizing the memory of its great alumni. He said that there are opportunities in terms of an annual memorial lecture; a chair of national integration in his name; seminars on his seminal literary output etc. He remarked that a healthy competition with other relevant institutions to propagate the invaluable literary legacy of Zaidi Sahib would indeed be welcome.

While enjoying the wonderful company of many friends and admirers of late Zaidi Sahib during the tea following the Function, I was lost in the myriad memories of Shri Zaidi who became a kind of Murshid or a Guru as well as the most admired elderly friend for me. I quote the lines from his poem, 'Ajeeb Tanhaee', penned during his Sojourn in Iran:

Raasta Naapne Wale To Bahut Hain, Lakin
Inmein, Dekhein To Zara, Aabla Paa Kitnein Hain!
The surveyors of path are many
Look, how many of them have blisters under their feet!

Thoughts on Bhagat Singh, Birth Centenary

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In terms of the historic milestones, the year of the birth centenary of Bhagat Singh also commemorates the 150th Anniversary of India’s First War of Independence ...

It is a matter of great satisfaction that Bhagat Singh was not only a voracious reader but also a compulsive writer and a communicator who was at ease writing in English, Hindi and Urdu. ... See article

The Midnight Generation and India’s Tryst with Freedom

Excerpts:
[...]‘Midnight’s Children’ to refer to those who were born to breathe in Free but Partitioned India. These children, who would be joining the ranks of the senior citizens tonight, could be considered to belong a special category – hopefully, not carrying too heavy an emotional baggage of the horrors visited on their families and friends during Partition. [...]

Summoning and stretching my memory as far back as possible and plunging deeper into the misty impressions and images of my early childhood – I was shy of four years, to be precise – I can recall how fear, anxiety and disgust had filled the atmosphere of my small village [...]


(Library being divided at the time of partition)

[...]India has been indeed the largest laboratory of mankind. The terms like ‘Green Revolution’ and ‘White Revolution’ underline the success stories in areas of agriculture and milk production.[...]

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